By Goran Hyden
This e-book stories fifty years of study on politics in Africa. It synthesizes insights from various scholarly methods and provides an unique interpretation of the information accrued through the years. It discusses how learn on African politics relates the learn of politics in different areas and mainstream theories in Comparative Politics. It specializes in such key concerns because the legacy of a move method of political swap, the character of the country, the economic climate of a situation, the coverage deficit, the agrarian query, gender and politics and ethnicity and clash.
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Additional resources for African Politics in Comparative Perspective
This doesn’t mean, however, that politics has lost its supremacy in these countries. It is just that it has become more defensive than assertive, more reactive than proactive. The challenge, therefore, for African leaders has been how to balance the external conditions and demands for economic reform, on the one hand, and retain control of the political process that since the new pressures for democracy in the early 1990s has become more open and thus harder to master. The idea behind a leaner state apparatus has been to reduce the amount of public resources that are subject to political patronage.
Regarding the challenge of horizontal integration, therefore, there is little evidence to suggest that the more pragmatic approach produced more scope for political pluralism. The second reason for the revolutionary-centralizing approach becoming predominant is best understood in the context of the challenge of vertical penetration. g. Cliffe, Coleman, and Doornbos 1977). It aimed at capturing the extent to which the party state reached out into society to make a difference. I am modifying the concept by highlighting its specific objective: that of allowing for a vertical penetration by central authority, whether lodged in the ruling party or in the state machinery, or a combination of both as was especially the case in countries that had adopted the revolutionary-centralizing approach.
Raises the question of where Africa is going from here. The question arises from the accumulated knowledge demonstrated in this volume and is being answered with some practical policy advice on what to do. Without falling into the trap of providing yet another blueprint, I give some suggestions about the kind of reforms that may be necessary both in African political systems and in the relationship between African governments and their international donor partners. conclusions Finally, for those familiar with my earlier writings, let me confirm that this book may be seen as a sequitur to No Shortcuts to Progress, which came out in 1983.