By Bereket H. Selassie
The Horn of Africa, a strategically vital zone embracing Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, and Djibouti, has been an area of uninterrupted armed clash for almost twenty years. within the first a part of this ebook, Bereket Selassie indicates how this clash, which has expense hundreds of thousands of lives and despatched tens of hundreds of thousands of refugees wandering into the barren region, is rooted within the region's historical past and geography. Its primary resource lies within the nature of the Ethiopian empire-state, whose imperialist personality didn't change—despite pronouncements to the contrary—with the overthrow of the semifeudal rule of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. the 1st chapters define the origins of the Ethiopian kingdom, the expansion of the competition to Haile Selassie and to the regime that changed him, and convey how this in flip resulted in the ruthless suppression of nationwide and democratic hobbies and fueled militant liberation fronts between suppressed nationalities. Selassie then turns to an research of the background and improvement of those liberation activities, together with their struggles, courses, and effectiveness. He locations this dialogue in the context of the clash among the “territorial integrity” of an inherited empire and the fitting to self-determination of a suppressed country. In separate chapters, he discusses the Eritrean anti-colonial fight, the Tigrean and Oromo nationwide liberation struggles, and Somalia’s fight to regain its “lost territories.” within the ultimate part, Selassie then argues that during order to appreciate those occasions, it's also essential to comprehend the the most important position performed through outdoor intervention within the Horn. He analyzes the actions and moving alliances of the large powers (the Soviet Union and the USA) and of the neighboring Arab nations.
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Additional resources for Conflict and Intervention in the Horn of Africa
On September 25, the Dergue decided to teach the opposition a lesson. The military invaded a CELU meeting, shot seven workers, and wounded several others. The CELU, however, did not have the organizational strength or tactical ability to mount a protest in the face of a determined, or entrenched, military group, and the several spontaneous strikes that followed could not be sustained. MEISON now thought it saw a chance to use the Dergue to its advantage. ”—and proposed a provisional political bureau to be in charge of organizing the people.
Yet the violence used by the Dergue must be clearly distinguished from the legitimate use of revolutionary violence, which is, in contrast, rationally organized, purposeful, and controlled by a party that represents the great mass of the people. This was the sense in which Marx saw revolutionary violence as the midwife of history, the instrument of an ascendant class struggling to replace an old order and usher in a new era. It thus has a revolutionary legitimacy, and its use must be in the context of a coherent revolutionary theory; it cannot proceed on the basis of the whims of a dictator, military or otherwise.
In this it had the valuable services of those leftist groups willing to help. The ZEMECHA campaign raised the democratic conscious ness of the peasant masses to a degree unforeseen by the military. The students and teachers conducted the campign with vigor, consciously adhering to democratic principles. For the most part, they were careful not to command but to guide and advise, encouraging the peasants to follow open and democratic proce dures, thus breaking the age-old tendency to secrecy and the habit of obeying the commands of superiors.