By Marat Terterov
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Additional info for Doing Business with Ukraine
In our view, the aim was to turn the next president (ie possibly Yushchenko) into a dummy – a ceremonial doll – rather than maintain the position of the president at the centre of political power. After 12 years of independence, Ukraine has yet to show any hint of developing a balance between power centres: strong president, strong parliament and strong government. Today Ukraine’s president exercises virtually unlimited power. According to Viktor Yushchenko (against whom the constitutional reforms were primarily directed), it may be acceptable for transition countries such as Ukraine, whilst at the very beginning of the transition process, to exercise a fairly centralized concentration of political power, thereby stabilizing the system in the face of anarchic and centrifugal forces.
5 million Soviet citizens and contributed to the sentiment that the republic should determine its own national economic development without interference from the ‘centre’. Perestroika and Glasnost, the twin policies introduced by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, penetrated relatively slowly into Ukraine, a republic that was regarded as a nurturing point for Communist Party leaders. For a period of 16 years, the republic appeared compliant and loyal to the USSR under party leader Volodymyr Shcherbytsky.
Kyiv, the capital, embodied elements of both camps. Ukraine under Kuchma also became increasingly authoritarian. The media especially was muzzled. Matters came to a head in mid-September 2000 with the disappearance of a journalist, Georgy Gongadze, editor of the Internet newspaper Ukrains’ka Pravda. Two months later, the journalist’s headless body was discovered in the Tarashcha woods near Kyiv. Kuchma’s personal bodyguard, Mykola Melnychenko, subsequently defected to the West carrying tapes he made of conversations between President Kuchma and his security chiefs, on which the Ukrainian leader urged them to remove Gongadze.